

Paul Gordon James

This website was created by a group of Imperial College London scholars who have uncovered an archive belonging to Prof. Paul Gordon James, an academic at the Royal College of Science (which was later absorbed into Imperial College London).
Prof. James was born in Bath, Somerset, on 4 July 1870. He attended St Peter's School for Boys then studied at Christ Church, Oxford, in 1888-1891.
In 1892 he started his postgraduate studies at the Royal College of Science in London under the supervision of Prof. Reginald Dixon. This period of his life is chronicled in the first collection of his papers, which we refer to as The Night's Cipher.
We believe that this archive is of overwhelming public interest, so we took it upon ourselves to publicise and preserve it for this and future generations.
We were astounded to find that Prof. James's papers not only illuminate major historical events of the 19th century but also delve into the nature of consciousness, artificial intelligence, and, most astonishingly, reveal the true identity of the infamous murderer known as Jack the Ripper.
Equally remarkable are the revelations regarding Prof. Reginald Dixon, whose clandestine activities have been described by some as heroic, while others deem them highly disturbing. We leave it to the reader to judge.
We strongly believe that the public is entitled to these facts and therefore Prof. James's archive can no longer remain hidden.
With the kind cooperation of Atmosphere Press, LLC, a publishing house founded in 2015 in Austin, TX, by Dr. Nick Courtright, an author and Ph.D. in Literature, we are working to make Paul Gordon James's archive available to informed and discerning readers all around the world.
We would like to thank Eris for designing the theme used by this website.
In the year of our Lord 1888, while still a boy at St. Peter's School, I experienced the first true tragedy of my young life. Edward Hastings, my closest friend and confidant, vanished from this world under circumstances that defied understanding. We were inseparable, Edward and I, spending countless hours lost in the pages of Principia Mathematica, unravelling the elegant complexities of gravity, of motion, of the very fabric of the universe.
Edward's body was found by one of the groundkeepers beneath the ancient oaks that bordered the school grounds. The authorities, quick to dismiss the matter, ruled it a tragic accident — a simple fall, they said. Soon rumours began to reach me, disturbing, pervasive rumours, which suggested that Edward's body was found heavily mutilated, his skull crushed, his face disfigured beyond recognition. I could neither confirm nor deny these rumours, for all that I was allowed to witness was a closed coffin...
...I was left with an unshakeable dread and an ever-recurring question that consumed my every waking thought: what had become of Edward's mind in those final moments?..
Artificial Intelligence (AI)

"Sit down, Mr. White," Dixon instructed, motioning to a wooden chair near one of the tables. I did as I was told, my legs grateful for the rest. He offered me a glass of Scotch, which I gratefully accepted, though I could tell that Dixon was not about to let me relax just yet. He stood opposite me, leaning against a desk cluttered with papers and instruments, his dark eyes fixed on mine with a piercing intensity.
"Tell me," he intoned, his voice measured yet edged with an unmistakable urgency, "what do you comprehend of Babbage's labours? And pray, leave nothing wanting."
I took a deep breath. This was a test.
"Babbage's Difference Engine was designed to compute polynomial functions and generate mathematical tables automatically, without the need for human error. It was an extraordinary achievement in its time, though it was never completed. The Analytical Engine, however, was even more ambitious — a general-purpose computing machine that could be programmed using punched cards, capable of performing any calculation that could be described in an algorithmic form."
Dixon nodded, though he showed no sign of whether he was impressed or disappointed with my summary. "And what do you make of Lady Ada Lovelace's contributions?"
"She is often credited as the first programmer," I replied, more confidently this time. "Her notes on the Analytical Engine included what is recognized as the first algorithm intended to be processed by a machine. But more importantly, she understood the broader implications of Babbage's invention — that it could go beyond mere calculations and potentially create music, art, or even simulate thought."
At this, Dixon's countenance altered by the slightest degree, as though a shadow, imperceptible yet undeniable, had flitted across it. He straightened, his fingers drumming lightly on the desk. "Lovelace... Yes, she had remarkable foresight. But her discoveries... they were not just about the potential of the machine, were they?"
The question hung in the air, and for a moment, I wasn't sure how to respond. It was as if he was probing for something deeper, something unsaid. But I had no more to give him — my knowledge, while extensive, was still rooted in the academic and theoretical.
"I'm afraid I don't quite follow, sir," I admitted, choosing my words carefully. "I know of her work in theory, but I'm not sure what you mean by 'beyond the machine.'"
Dixon studied me for a moment longer, then he seemed to relax, his shoulders easing as if a burden had been lifted. "No matter," he said, a faint smile playing at the corners of his mouth.
The case of Jack the Ripper

Jack the Ripper was a serial killer who was active in and around the Whitechapel district of London, England, in 1888.
Attacks ascribed to Jack the Ripper typically involved women working as prostitutes who lived in the slums of the East End of London.
The removal of internal organs from at least three of the victims led to speculation that the killer had some anatomical or surgical knowledge.
Even the spectre of that nameless fiend, known to the trembling masses as Jack the Ripper, whose ghastly atrocities stained the very soul of Whitechapel, cast its dreadful pall over the Docklands. The fear he sowed among the residents of Whitechapel seeped into the neighbouring areas, tainting them with the same sense of dread and foreboding.
The streets of Whitechapel became the stage for a series of ghastly acts that would sear themselves into the collective memory of London, acts perpetrated by a specter known only as Jack the Ripper. The heinous deeds began with the brutal murder of Mary Ann Nichols on the 31st of August, 1888. Her lifeless body was discovered in Buck's Row, her throat viciously slashed, and her abdomen cruelly mutilated. The savagery of the attack spoke of a killer with a dark, methodical mind, one who took grim satisfaction in the suffering of his victims.
Less than a week later, on the 8th of September, the Ripper struck again. Annie Chapman met a fate even more horrifying than Nichols. Found in the backyard of 29 Hanbury Street, her body bore the same telltale signs — a slit throat and a grotesquely mutilated abdomen. But this time, the killer had taken a gruesome trophy: part of her internal organs had been removed, a chilling detail that underscored the Ripper's cold-blooded precision.
The terror escalated on the night of the 30th of September, when Jack the Ripper claimed two victims within hours of each other in what would become known as the "Double Event." Elizabeth Stride was discovered first, her throat deeply cut, yet the rest of her body left unscathed, as if the killer had been interrupted. But Catherine Eddowes was not so fortunate. Found in Mitre Square, her body was horrifically mutilated, her face slashed, and her organs once again removed with a surgeon's skill. The brutality of these murders sent shockwaves through London, solidifying the Ripper's reputation as a remorseless butcher.
The final act of the Ripper's known spree occurred on the 9th of November with the murder of Mary Jane Kelly. In the confines of her small room at 13 Miller's Court, Kelly endured a level of violence that surpassed all the previous victims. Her body was utterly eviscerated, her face hacked beyond recognition, and her internal organs strewn about the room in a scene of unspeakable carnage. It was as if the Ripper had poured all his hatred and madness into this last, most gruesome of murders, leaving behind a tableau of horror that defied comprehension.
These five murders were not merely crimes but atrocities that left an indelible stain on the history of London. Jack the Ripper's identity remains one of the most infamous mysteries, his heinous acts a dark mirror reflecting the fear and fascination of a society grappling with the shadows lurking within its own heart.
Charles Babbage and Ada Lovelace

Charles Babbage (1791-1871) was an English polymath credited with inventing the first mechanical computer, the Difference Engine, that eventually led to more complex electronic designs, though all the essential ideas of modern computers are to be found in his Analytical Engine, programmed using a principle openly borrowed from the Jacquard loom.
Ada Lovelace (1815-1852) was an English mathematician and writer chiefly known for her work on Charles Babbage's Analytical Engine. She was the first to recognise that the machine had applications beyond pure calculation.
In the wake of Edward's death, I plunged myself into my studies at Oxford with a fervour that bordered on madness. But no matter how deeply I buried myself in the pages of mathematics and philosophy, I could not escape that night. The elegant proofs and equations that had once brought me such joy now seemed mere symbols on a page, unable to penetrate the mysteries of the mind that now obsessed me. I had lost my dearest friend, and in doing so, had lost a part of myself.
It was during one of those sleepless nights, wandering the dimly lit corridors of the Bodleian Library, that I stumbled upon the writings of Charles Babbage and Ada Lovelace. Here was a new path, a way to unravel the very mysteries that tormented me. If the mind could be reduced to a series of mechanical processes, then perhaps it could be recreated, even brought back?
By the time I had completed my studies at Oxford in the year of our Lord 1891, I had become a man consumed by a singular and most inexorable purpose.
Babbage, the visionary mathematician, conceived of the difference engine and, later, the analytical engine — a machine that, in theory, could perform any mathematical calculation, guided by the uncompromising logic of its mechanisms. And yet, despite his brilliance, Babbage's work remained unfinished, his dreams unfulfilled.
Ada Lovelace, the brilliant and tragic figure who understood Babbage's vision more deeply than perhaps even he did, saw beyond the mere calculations. She foresaw a future where such machines could do more than compute — they could create, they could simulate, they could mimic the very processes of thought itself. It was she who penned the first algorithm intended for a machine, making her the world's first true programmer, a title she would never live to see.
How I yearned to speak with them! What would they make of my obsessions, my relentless pursuit of recreating the human mind through mechanical means? Would they encourage me, or caution me against the dark paths my thoughts sometimes wander?
But they are gone, their voices silenced. I am left to walk this path alone, guided only by the echoes of their ideas...
Professor Reginald Dixon

On rusted hinges, the door of Nelson House groaned open, protesting in the still, fog-bound street. There, half-illumined by the feeble glow of the entryway, stood Reginald Dixon — a figure who seemed less a man than a spectre conjured from the night itself. My first impression was of a man fashioned more from shadow than from flesh — his countenance keen and pallid, his dark locks curling faintly at the edges, as though stirred by unseen currents.
"Mr. White, I presume?" Dixon's voice was low, measured, with a trace of an accent I couldn't quite place.
I nodded, feeling the exhaustion of the journey settle heavily on my shoulders. "Yes, sir. Paul White. I've just arrived from Bath."
"Come in," Dixon said, stepping aside to allow me entry. I stepped across the threshold betwixt the two solemn Doric columns, and as the door groaned shut behind me, it was as though I had abandoned the familiar world and passed into an altogether more arcane domain.
Alice

Ere I could muster a reply, a voice — gentle yet commandingpierced the thickening discord. "That will suffice, Harry. Let the young gentleman be."
I turned to see a woman standing behind the bar, her presence commanding immediate respect from the men. She was young, with auburn hair that fell in loose waves around her shoulders, and eyes that sparkled with intelligence and a touch of amusement. Her name, I would later learn, was Alice.
Harry grumbled something under his breath but stepped back, clearly not wanting to cross her. "'E don't belong 'ere, Alice. 'Im or that Dixon. Mark my words, they'll bring nothin' but trouble."
Alice ignored him, her focus on me. "You'll 'ave to forgive Harry. 'E's 'ad a bit too much to drink, and 'e doesn't take kindly to strangers. But 'e's harmless, really."
I nodded, still feeling the sting of the confrontation. "Thank you," I managed to say, my voice embarrassingly small in my own ears. I wanted to say more, to engage with her, but the words stuck in my throat. She was a barmaid, after all, and I... I was a student, an academic. Our worlds were miles apart, even in this small, smoky room.
Alice smiled, a knowing glint in her eye. "Don't mention it. Just watch yourself 'round 'ere. Not everyone's as friendly as I am."
I nodded again, feeling a flush of shame creeping up my neck. Saved by a girl, and not just any girl — a barmaid. It stung, more than I cared to admit. She turned away to serve another customer, and I found myself staring after her, torn between the urge to speak to her again and the knowledge that it wouldn't be proper.
Saeed

"Salam," Dixon greeted the Arab politely in his native tongue.
"Salam bar shoma," replied the stranger. "Are you still bothered by all the river traffic?"
"Thanks to the neaps, not as much as before," said Dixon. "Have the goods arrived?"
I couldn't make out the Arab's reply. Their words and steps were becoming barely audible as they were walking away. All I could hear was "...must be done before the next full moon...", "...too many watching...", "...if they find it, everything is lost...".
There was an ill-at-ease quality to their exchange. What manner of cargo did Dixon allude to? Could a man of his status engage in that perennial plague of the Docklands — smuggling?
Sutcliffe

I put the object in my pocket as soon as I heard the approaching steps. Mr Sutcliffe, our physics teacher, was walking towards me, his face stern with disapproval and suspicion. He was accompanied by another figure, clad in formal black, who looked more like a government official than a school teacher. The pair emerged from behind the oaks like a sudden, unstoppable menace.
The rebuke of Mr Sutcliffe, cold as the grave and twice as pitiless, carried within it the weight of both mockery and censure. "White, if you were expecting to see here the word RACHE written in blood, I'm sorry to disappoint you. Right here, right now you are committing sacrilege by desecrating the memory of your alleged friend, who died of a tragic accident. And tragic does not by any means imply uncommon! Do not disguise your Schadenfreude as concern. Do you hear me?"
For a moment his facial expression seemed to oscillate betwixt hostility and supplication.
Nelson House

Nelson House loomed in solitary defiance amidst the desolation — a modest edifice of brick, hemmed in by the hulking spectres of warehouses that flanked it on either side. Its weathered facade and darkened windows spoke of endurance rather than beauty. The air was thick with saltwater and coal smoke, a discordant symphony of creaking ship masts and distant foghorns. Unlike the ornate Corinthian columns of the Huxley Building, which celebrated intellectual beauty, Nelson House's sturdy Doric columns reflected the practical spirit of the docklands — a quiet strength born of necessity.
The Gun

The Gun is a Grade II listed public house at 27 Coldharbour, Coldharbour, London. It takes its name from the cannon which was fired when the West India Docks first opened in 1802.
The pub has occupied the plot of 27 Coldharbour since the early 18th century under various trading names. It was first called The King and Queen in 1722 before being renamed to The Rose and Crown in 1725 and later Ramsgate Pink in 1745. It took on its current name, The Gun, in 1771.
Lord Horatio Nelson is commonly associated with The Gun having lived locally and where it is said that he visited the docks to inspect the guns. In addition, he would frequent the pub to secretly meet Lady Emma Hamilton in an upstairs room (now called The River Room) for their affair.
The building houses a gastropub to this day.
Knotted in weathered wood and peeling paint, the sign proclaimed 'The Gun' — a name singularly apt for these quarters, where peril loomed at every turn and shadows harboured secrets best left undisturbed.
I pressed upon the heavy door, its hinges groaning in protest, and stepped within, where a fug of pipe smoke and ale-laden warmth enveloped me at once. The denizens of the establishment were a coarse, weather-worn assemblage — dockworkers, judging by their sinewy frames and the grime of honest labour clinging to their garments. Their countenances bore the indelible marks of toil and tribulation, carved deep as though by the very hand of time itself.
I advanced toward the bar, setting down my valise with a muffled thud — a sound that stirred a few curious glances in my direction. The publican, a grizzled old curmudgeon with a beard like unkempt brambles and a scowl fixed as if chiseled in stone, regarded me with a scrutinizing gaze as I requested a pint of bitter. As I sipped the ale, I felt the tension in my shoulders begin to ease, the warmth of the drink seeping into my bones.
Scarce had I settled before a knot of men at a nearby table took measure of me, their idle discourse faltering as curiosity — or suspicion — stirred among them. One of them, a hulking figure with a shaved head and a face crisscrossed with scars, gestured for me to join them.
Dockmaster's House

The Dockmaster's House in Hertsmere Road was built 200 years ago by the East India Trading Company and was once the excise office for West India Quay.
But in the 19th and early 20th century the building fell into disrepute as the Jamaica Tavern, which was a notrious opium den, shut down in a police crackdown on the drug in 1925.
The next year it was converted into the dock superintendent's offices and remained an administrative building for the docks until 1980.
In February 2009 an Indian restaurant opened at the Dockmaster's House with Navin Bhatia as executive chef. The restaurant closed its doors in March 2014.
The building now houses the Jack Petchey Foundation, which was set up to inspire and motivate young people across London and Essex by providing exciting projects and programmes for them to get involved in.
The door creaked softly as Dixon and Saeed left, and I waited until they were a short distance away before slipping outside. I followed them at a careful distance, my steps silent on the cobblestones. The streets were deserted, the only sounds were the distant lap of the Thames against the docks and the occasional creak of a ship in the harbour. Every shadow seemed to move with a life of its own, but I forced myself to focus on the two figures ahead of me.
They wound their way through the narrow streets of the Docklands, heading deeper into the labyrinth of alleys and warehouses. It wasn't long before I realised where they were going — the Dockmasters' House...
Wilhelm Steinitz

Wilhelm Steinitz was an Austrian master and the first official world champion. He held the title from 1886-1894, after dominating the chess scene for decades before. He was undefeated in match play for over 30 years (1862-1894). In 1859-1961, bold attacking performances in the Vienna City Championships earned him the nickname "Austrian Morphy". From 1873-1882, Steinitz went on a historic 25 game winning streak. In the early 1870s he introduced a new style of play, and is subsequently regarded as the father of positional chess.
What I expected to be a house in Shoreditch turned out to be a small mansion with a sizable garden. Dixon and I met our host at the porchway.
"Prof. Dixon! It's always good to see you." Steinitz's stern face momentarily adopted the expression of strained friendliness.
"Likewise, Wilhelm. I see you have become an American?"
"Indeed I have. And it's William, not Wilhelm."
"Makes sense. Has the Blue Cube arrived?"
"Perhaps you are referring to the Tilling bus that arrived this morning? It's waiting for you in the garden."
"And what of the witnesses?"
Huxley Building

Front elevation of the Huxley Building, Exhibition Road, South Kensington. Originally built between 1867-71 for the government's Science and Art Department, it was later used by various departments of Imperial College. In 1974 the building was transferred to the Victoria and Albert Museum and renamed the Henry Cole Wing.

That the learned minds of this institution should occupy themselves with the arcane science of cryptography was, perhaps, to be expected — for what discipline could better serve both the cause of war and the quiet intrigues of diplomacy? Yet here, within these very halls, its presence suggested deeper currents unseen. What clandestine machinations, I wondered, lurked beneath the scholarly veneer?
Professor Thomas Henry Huxley

Resounding through the august corridors of scientific inquiry, the name of Thomas Henry Huxley stands as a figure whose very essence seemed to hover betwixt the realm of the empirical and that of the unfathomable. His presence alone radiated an intellectual fervour, at once invigorating and, upon occasion, disquieting to those in his company. Born in 1825, Huxley emerged from humble beginnings, yet his mind was a vast, untamed frontier, always reaching beyond the known, probing the dark recesses of nature's mysteries.
From his early years, it was clear that Huxley was not merely another scholar destined to follow the well-trodden paths of those who came before him. No, Huxley was a pioneer, a visionary whose insatiable curiosity and formidable intellect would leave an indelible mark upon the scientific world. His work, much like his character, was a study in contrasts — a blend of fierce rationality and an almost mystical understanding of the natural world.
Huxley's career, which began in the shadowy corridors of London's hospitals as a surgeon's apprentice, quickly escalated into a relentless pursuit of knowledge. His contributions to science, spanning several decades, have left an indelible mark on the fields of biology, palaeontology, and anthropology. In the year 1892, reflecting upon Huxley's body of work is akin to tracing the arc of a comet — brilliant, far-reaching, and impossible to ignore.
Professor Thomas Minchin Goodeve

Professor Goodeve's reputation was already the stuff of academic lore. A scholar of Wadham College, Oxford, he had indelibly altered the course of mechanical engineering with his magnum opus, The Elements of Mechanism, a treatise whose insights had left an indelible mark upon my own studies. His lectures were renowned for their clarity, inspiring generations of engineers and mathematicians. As the First Professor at the Royal College of Science, he had shaped the institution's direction, forging its reputation as a hub of industrial and scientific innovation.
I found his office easily, a small plaque bearing his name on the heavy oak door. When I knocked, a firm voice called me in. Professor Goodeve was seated behind a cluttered desk, his piercing gaze meeting mine as I entered. He stood, offering a handshake that was both courteous and deliberate.
"Mr. White, I presume," he said. "Welcome to the Royal College of Science. I trust your journey was uneventful?"
"It was," I replied, though my thoughts betrayed my apprehension. "I'm honoured to be here, Professor."
He nodded, his expression thoughtful.
A Research Assistant

As I turned round the corner, I was nearly thrust off my feet by a sudden collision with a young man. Despite the abruptness of the encounter, I managed to maintain my balance, whilst the young man himself was not so fortunate and fell to the ground. With a hasty admonition for me to watch my steps, he quickly regained his footing, picked up his spectacles, adjusted his ginger hair, and dashed into a nearby lecture room.
Professor Nathaniel Bullard

Nathaniel Bullard was born in 1839 to a distinguished family in Oxford, where he was immersed in an environment steeped in academia from an early age. His father, a respected physician, instilled in him a deep appreciation for the sciences, while his mother, an accomplished pianist, ensured that he also cultivated an interest in the humanities. This dual influence would later shape his eclectic approach to scientific inquiry.
Bullard excelled in his studies at Balliol College, Oxford, where he pursued mathematics and natural philosophy. His exceptional grasp of theoretical mechanics and his keen intellect earned him a scholarship, and he graduated with First-Class Honours in 1860. His academic promise led him to the Royal Institution, where he studied under the eminent physicist Michael Faraday, an association that profoundly influenced his scientific career.
Bullard was appointed Professor of Experimental Physics at the Royal College of Science in 1871, where he developed a reputation as an exacting but brilliant lecturer. Unlike many of his contemporaries, who confined themselves to narrow fields of study, Bullard possessed a voracious intellectual curiosity, working at the intersection of electrodynamics, chemistry, and early computational theory.
He conducted pioneering research into electromagnetic induction and dielectric materials, expanding upon Faraday's work and proposing new models for electrical resistance in complex circuits. His laboratory became one of the most well-funded in Britain, drawing the interest of the Royal Society, of which he was elected a fellow in 1875.
However, it was his speculative research into energy transfer in organic and inorganic systems that set him apart. Bullard was one of the few Victorian scientists to consider the possibility that electrical systems and biological cognition might share underlying principles, a controversial notion that placed him at odds with his more conservative peers.
In addition, Bullard had an interest in applying Darwin's theory to human society and social dynamics. He used his mathematical approach to predict the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-1871, the Meiji Restoration in Japan in 1868, and the American Civil War (1861-1865), forecasting not only the conflict itself but also the eventual triumph of the Union and the abolition of slavery. He viewed the war through the lens of evolutionary struggle, where the industrialised North, with its greater resources and more adaptable social structures, would ultimately prevail over the agrarian South.
Not far from Neil Fowler, my gaze fell upon Nathan Bullard, a figure who had garnered considerable attention for his controversial yet intriguing application of Darwin's theories to human societies. Bullard, with his sharp intellect and a gaze that seemed to pierce through the very fabric of history, had made a name for himself by modelling human societies as networks of interacting agents, much like biological ecosystems. His work went beyond mere academic theorising; it ventured into the realm of prophecy, as he was able to predict several significant historical events with uncanny accuracy.
Professor Neil Fowler

Neil Fowler was born in 1842 in Manchester, a city rapidly transforming under the forces of the Industrial Revolution. His father, a respected machinist and engineer, introduced him early to the intricacies of mechanical design and the burgeoning field of applied science. Unlike many of his contemporaries, Fowler's education was largely practical before it was formal — he spent much of his youth in his father's workshop, learning firsthand about the capabilities and limitations of machinery.
Despite his working-class origins, Fowler's innate mathematical talent secured him a place at Owen's College (later to become part of the University of Manchester), where he studied applied mechanics and thermodynamics. He was particularly drawn to electrical engineering, a field still in its infancy, and in 1863, he transferred to King's College London to study under Professor Charles Wheatstone, a pioneer in telegraphy and electromagnetism.
Fowler quickly distinguished himself as an exceptional experimentalist, with a knack for constructing innovative apparatuses. By the time he completed his doctorate in 1868, his work on inductive systems and early electrical relay circuits had already attracted the attention of leading scientific minds.
In 1872, Fowler was appointed Professor of Engineering and Applied Sciences at the Royal College of Science, where he became one of the foremost authorities in electromagnetic theory and industrial mechanization. Unlike many of his peers, who focused solely on theory, Fowler maintained strong ties with industry, collaborating with leading engineers to develop more efficient steam turbines and early electrical generators.
His work in precision instrumentation led him to develop one of the first sensitive electrical measuring devices, a precursor to the modern galvanometer. His reputation grew, and in 1880, he was commissioned by the British Admiralty to consult on the design of marine telegraphy systems, aiming to improve the transmission of signals across vast distances.
Despite his focus on engineering, Fowler inevitably crossed paths with Professor Reginald Dixon and Professor Nathaniel Bullard, both of whom were deeply involved in theoretical physics and experimental electromagnetism. Fowler's relationship with Dixon was one of professional respect, albeit philosophical opposition — where Dixon sought to push the limits of human knowledge through abstract thought and speculative science, Fowler remained grounded in the practical applications of engineering.
Fowler developed a deep understanding of algebraic topology and probability theory alongside an interest in financial applications. Introduced the term "algorithm" into the mathematical lexicon. The word, derived from the Latinized name of the Persian mathematician Al-Khwarizmi, represented a systematic, step-by-step procedure for solving problems. Fowler had seen the potential of this concept to revolutionise not only mathematics but also the burgeoning field of computation, and he had tirelessly worked to refine and formalise its definition.
An accomplished musician, Fowler was often found at the heart of the College choir. He was known for his rich baritone voice lending depth to the ensemble. A connoisseur of classical music.
Fowler was an avid speculator, frequently seen in the bustling environment of the London Stock Exchange. His keen mathematical mind gave him an edge in the world of finance, where he applied his knowledge of probability and algorithms to speculative ventures. It was rumoured that he had amassed a considerable fortune, though the ethical implications of such activities left some of his colleagues uneasy. In a world where academic purity was prized, Fowler's forays into the financial markets were viewed with suspicion, if not outright disdain, by some of his peers. This duality in his character — a man of high intellect and cultural refinement, yet drawn to the chaotic and often morally ambiguous world of finance — added layers to his already enigmatic persona.
Professor John Perry

He was born on 14 February 1850 at Garvagh, County Londonderry, the second son of Samuel Perry and a Scottish-born wife. John's brother James was the County Surveyor in Galway West and co-founded the Galway Electric Light Company. One of James Perry's daughters, Alice, was one of the first women in the world with an engineering degree.
Perry worked as Lord Kelvin's assistant at the University of Glasgow, and later became professor of mechanical engineering at Finsbury Technical College. He was a colleague of William Edward Ayrton and John Milne at the Imperial College of Engineering in Tokyo, 1875–79, and was also a Fellow of the Royal Society. He was professor of mathematics at Imperial College in London from 1896 to 1913. In 1900 he was elected president of the Institution of Electrical Engineers, and from 1906 to 1908 served as president of the Physical Society of London.
Perry was a great admirer of his employer, Lord Kelvin. In the printing of his 1890 lecture on spinning tops, Perry inscribed the following acknowledgement: "This report of an experimental lecture is inscribed to Sir William Thomson, by his affectionate pupil, the lecturer, who hereby takes a convenient method of acknowledging the real author of whatever is worth publication in the following pages." The book was later reprinted by Dover Publications in 1957 as Spinning Tops and Gyroscopic Motions. Although others (Max Schuler in Germany, Sperry in the USA) had been working on developing practical gyrocompasses, Perry collaborated with Sidney Brown to further develop these and they were awarded U.S. patent 1291695A : "Gyro-compass" by John Perry, Sidney George Brown, filed August 1917; granted 1919.
Perry received an honorary doctorate (LL.D) from the University of Glasgow in June 1901.
In 1895, Perry published a paper challenging Kelvin's assumption of low thermal conductivity inside the Earth, and thus disputing Kelvin's estimate that the Earth was only 20–400 million years old, but this had little impact. It was not until the discovery in 1903 that radioactive decay releases heat and the development a few years later of radiometric dating of rocks that it was accepted that the age of Earth was many times greater, as Perry had argued. Perry's reasoning held that if the interior of the Earth was fluid, or partly fluid, it would transfer heat much more effectively than the conductivity which Kelvin assumed, and he stated that "much internal fluidity would practically mean infinite conductivity for our purpose."
Kelvin rejected this idea as there was no evidence of tidal deformation of the Earth's crust, and in response Perry made a reference to Kelvin's favourite demonstration of the slow deformation of shoemaker's wax to illustrate the supposed qualities of the presumed luminiferous aether thought then to be necessary to transmit light through space. Perry wrote that "the real basis of your calculation is your assumption that the solid earth cannot alter its shape ... even in 1000 million years, under the action of forces constantly tending to alter its shape, and yet we see the gradual closing up of passages in a mine, and we know that wrinkling and faults and other changes of shape are always going on in the earth under the action of long-continued forces. I know that solid rock is not like cobbler's wax, but 109 years is a long time, and the forces are great."
The failure of the scientific community to accept a fluid interior to the Earth held back ideas in geology until the concept was revived by proponents of continental drift, and even in the 1960s geophysical models were still being constructed on the basis that the Earth was solid.
Huxley, standing at the head of the table, was the first to voice his scepticism. "An analytical engine, no matter how sophisticated, is but a tool," he declared, his voice carrying the authority of a man who had spent his life at the forefront of scientific inquiry. "It may perform calculations with unmatched speed and accuracy, but it cannot think, cannot feel, cannot be self-aware in the way that a human is. To suggest otherwise is to misunderstand the very nature of consciousness."
John Perry, a man of similar stature and repute, nodded in agreement. "Indeed, the notion that a machine could possess self-awareness is, at best, speculative. Such ideas, while fascinating, remain in the realm of fiction rather than science."
Dixon listened silently, his expression unreadable, but I could sense the tension in his posture. His work, once heralded as the next great leap in technological advancement, was being met with scepticism from some of the most respected figures in the field. The implications were clear — Huxley and Perry's views could prove career-limiting for Dixon, casting a shadow over his research.


